Biden Launches Targeted Policy to Try and Squeeze China Out of Key Global Markets

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If China and the United States fought a war, it would not be surprising to begin that story at a new dense regulation released recently by a little-known government agency called the Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS).

Entitled the “Entity List Modification — Implementation of Additional Export Controls: Certain Advanced Computing and Semiconductor Manufacturing Items; Supercomputer and Semiconductor End Use,” it could not be described as anything other than a way to break China’s supply chain of computing chips and semiconductors through economic cold warfare.

Broken down into damage control, this 139-page regulation places extraterritorial limits on the exportation of goods, namely chips and supercomputing components, into China. This applies not only to firms operating in the U.S., but intermediary firms, perhaps operating elsewhere in the world, but which use American chips or chip manufacturing equipment.

“Although framed as a national security measure, the primary damage to China will be economic, on a scale well out of proportion to Washington’s cited military and intelligence concerns,” writes Jon Bateman, a senior fellow in the Technology and International Affairs Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, as he examined the reg in Foreign Policy.

As the world economy found in 2021, chips are in short supply at baseline, but critically needed for our increasingly digitized world. The supply chain disruption resulting particularly from the harsh lockdown policies of Asia over COVID-19 revealed to the 79-year-old President Biden, who likely couldn’t tell you how a chip works, that they are emerging as a key resource—the equivalent to oil in the buildup to WWII.

Central to their strong-arming of China under this ruling is the use of the Entity List, which blocks designated firms from importing US goods without a license.

Between 2018 and 2022, China hawks Trump and Biden oversaw a quadrupling in the number of unique Chinese companies on this list, from 130 to 532. Unsurprisingly, all Chinese chip manufacturers, supercomputing organizations, and software and hardware firms are thusly listed.

PICTURED: an office building of Sinopec, a Chinese petro-giant forced to delist by American auditing practices.

A necessary sacrifice

Joe Biden’s White House actually just released its new National Security Strategy, in which it labels China as the greatest global challenge the US faces.

Clearly the regulation and the strategy are connected, and they reflect one another well, showing that all the hot air written about the strength and robustness of the US economy is a way of saying that the federal government will uncouple from China in the strongest possible way, and that they are willing to sacrifice economic growth and stability to achieve that.

The US Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, since 2020, has been auditing perhaps hundreds of Chinese companies, prompting many to delist from American exchanges. Sinopec, a chemical refiner, and pioneer of green aviation fuel, voluntarily delisted, along with ride-hailing giant Didi Global Inc. after the latter received pressure from Chinese regulators who feared the firm’s vast troves of data would be exposed to foreign powers.

Jack Ma’s Alibaba sought refuge in Hong Kong’s exchange, to try and circumvent the pressure. It seems suspicious, but if the same thing were required by US companies, namely the release of the data troves of say, Google, and all the information on Americans contained therein, or of SpaceX, just to access the Chinese market, Congress would probably also be saying it was unfair and dangerous.

Since 2020, several major Chinese firms have been delisted from the New York Stock Exchange, including ChinaPetro, and China Life Insurance. The Bank of China remains, but it’s anyone’s guess how long.

However it isn’t just the BIS ruling and the Entity List that summarize this antagonism. In early August Biden signed the controversial, yet typically benignly-named CHIPS and Science Act of 2022, which impairs Americans’ freedom of commerce through “outbound investment screening,” a term used by Senators Bob Casey (D-PA) and John Cornyn (R-TX) who sponsored the bill.

A provision pushed by Casey and Cornyn would have, if not for its ultimate exclusion, created yet another federal agency, the Committee on National Critical Capabilities, into which would be vested the power to screen investments made abroad by US companies that involve “national critical capabilities” in “countries of concern,” a shorthand for Iran, Russia, North Korea, and China.

The CHIPS Act is almost more devious, in that the bill contains $54.2 billion for subsidies to build chip plants in the US and support US chip research and development, but it also restricts how companies receiving subsidies can make investments.

“The covered entity may not engage in any significant transaction, as defined in the agreement, involving the material expansion of semiconductor manufacturing capacity in the People’s Republic of China or any other foreign country of concern”.

It all amounts to something that is reminiscent of the oil embargo on Imperial Japan in the lead-up to the attack on Pearl Harbor. WaL

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